A recent op-ed in Reuters gloats that Republican candidate Donald Trump is toast and that his perceived lack of specific answers during the recent debate has done him in. Even though he’s still leading in the polls. And even though Carly Fiorina, the runner-up apparent, has no real counter-position to Trump’s view on the issue that is defining this primary: illegal immigration. [And in term of Overton, that could lead to reforming legal immigration too].
Trump is being called the flash in the pan, when what we are witnessing now—a decline in support for Trump—is in all likelihood a crash in the plan. Consider how steadily his support has increased over the last few months; that’s the established trend. We have to take any deviations from this with a grain of salt. The media is really getting behind Fiorina now and putting out stories like this one because they believe she is the strongest opponent to Trump and want voters to believe it too. They tried that tactic before with Jeb and Carson. Coverage affects polls and polls affect coverage. What’s becoming increasingly clear is that the rotating circuit of cuckservatives simply can’t stump the Trump.
But the author’s kvetching about how much he wants Trump to go away isn’t interesting here. What’s interesting is the almost explicit awareness of White identity politics, or in its current state, an implicitly White populism. A plurality of Republicans, Trump’s base, have essentially embraced identity politics (which Carly Fiorina hasn’t, by the way, and she won’t win the nomination without doing so). It’s become something that can no longer be ignored when analyzing Trump and the budding movement behind him, though it is clearly something the establishment political scene wants to signal against. Consider these two snippets:
What kind of statement are people making with Trump? Simply that the United States is changing and they don’t like it. “I think white people think their sovereignty has been infringed on,” a Dallas resident was quoted as saying at a Trump rally this week. Trump wears a hat that says, “Make America great again.” It’s a protest against the New America coalition, including immigrants, minorities, gays, working women and liberals, that brought President Barack Obama to power. The message for Trump supporters is, “Bring the Old America back” — when the country was run by older white men. Like Trump. [emphasis added]
And from the diversity-as-conflict angle, which is totally transparent for those of us on the alt-right:
Trump rallies have begun to draw Latino demonstrators. They are protesting his statements that Mexican immigrants are “rapists” and “criminals” and that all “illegal immigrants” must be deported. “It’s not good,” a protester in Dallas said to the Washington Post, that “we are out here and all the white people are inside, cheering him on.” It’s certainly not good for the Republican Party. [emphasis added]
What is so inadvertently subversive about this juxtaposition is what it doesn’t say. Latinos clearly have a problem with Trump’s anti-immigration platform while White-identity conservatives support it, but why? Whites are rejecting the multiculturalism of the Democratic coalition and Latinos are rejecting White-majority spaces, but why? This is a simple question with a simple answer, and yet the realization of such things opens a Pandora’s box of race relations. People make political decisions based on the intersection of their individual identity and interests with those of their identity group. For a growing number of Whites, that means their fellow Whites; for most Latinos, that continues to mean other Latinos. So in a sense, yes, White identity is “certainly not good for the Republican Party,” and Trump is a threat to their standard cuckparty, But the Republican Party of the last few decades has not been particularly good for White people. So let it burn.
Republican strategy is a huge contrast to that of the Democratic Party, which consistently rewards a coalition of identity groups in its platform. Latinos are allowed and encouraged to have an identity-based political worldview while Whites are discouraged. This is a huge problem given how different the political views of these groups are. It is a perversion of majority rule that only minorities are allowed this sort of expression. Republicans became the default White party by doing nothing, by not pushing for gay Latino feminism rather than supporting White identity. Positive declarations of Whiteness on the right became verboten under Cuckley’s National Review in the 1950s and ‘60s, which has had a foundational effect on movement conservatism. And given how liberal many Republicans are on issues outside of taxes and Israel, maybe feminism and LGBTism are next things to endorse as conservative. After all, shilling for the impossible-to-get Latino vote is already happening. It’s the current year, goyim.
A lot has happened metapolitically under the Obama presidency and this paradigm of racial liberalism and race-blind conservatism looks like it’s about to die out. Certainly the alt-right has flourished under the last seven years. Trump is both a catalyst and symptom of the revolt against movement conservatism, and has the potential to channel even more support. #Cuckservative and #NRORevolt are the social media manifestations of this dissatisfaction, the alt-right is the intellectual response, and the Trump candidacy is the popular incarnation. The media has noticed that Trump leads among White men—how could he not when running against a cavalcade of establishment cucks—and they hate it. But they can’t ignore it.